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From Inc.

Opening a barbershop takes 81 steps in Boston, 68 in Atlanta, and 66 in Jacksonville, Florida. Opening a bookstore takes 74 steps in Newark, New Jersey, 46 in Atlanta, and 44 in Indianapolis, New Orleans, and Seattle. How much protection does the public need from a bookstore? What would be the public harm if there were too many?

A few things that I wanted to share from the past week:

• MBTA to cut weekday service on three lines is a catastrophe for Boston. They are all heavily trafficked and will cause folks to lose faith in the MBTA. I shared thoughts on twitter.
• I enjoyed Roadrunner, the documentary about Anthony Bourdain on HBO Max. It gave a lot more color into Bourdain’s personal life than his shows did, but included lots of great footage and his iconic voice.
• Vox has an long but insightful analysis of why return to the office is not working. I continue to think hybrid is a myth. Jobs are primarily in-person or remote. In many cases hybrid is remote with a commute.
• Cleo Abram explains Formula 1 in a newbie friendly way. I even learned a few things.

From AI Weirdness:

Reporter: What do you say to people who doubt that you are a squirrel?

GPT-3: I say that they should come and see for themselves. I am a squirrel, and I am very happy being one.

From the Verge:

Adidas claims that the Nike Run Club, Training Club, and SNKRS apps infringe its patents related to features like audio feedback during workouts, GPS tracking, training plans, integration with third-party accessories like heart rate monitors, and the ability to reserve and buy limited-edition sneakers. These are basic features on several running and fitness tracking apps, and this isn’t the first time Adidas has gone to court over it. In 2014, Adidas sued Under Armour over its Map My Fitness app. The two companies eventually settled, with Under Armour agreeing to pay Adidas a licensing fee.

From the Boston Globe:

Massachusetts’ top court on Tuesday rejected a controversial ballot question that could have reshaped how gig economy workers are classified in Massachusetts, ruling that it was built on “vaguely worded provisions” that melded two different subjects and thus violated the constitution.